Why Tsipras is burning bridges with the past - The background behind the attacks on former associates

For this reason, the former prime minister, through the narration of the events, did not hesitate to openly attack almost all of his former associates, who nevertheless still constitute a key part of the so-called progressive arc that many seek to reconstitute.

Consequently, the question arises as to how it is possible to achieve in the future the necessary convergences for the creation of a progressive front against the government of Kyriakos Mitsotakis, the necessity of which the former prime minister himself has repeatedly emphasized.

The Left lures narcissists

Not even the most overly optimistic would believe that there is room for agreement when in the pages of "Ithaki" we encounter phrases about Zoe Konstantopoulou: "Unfortunately, politics and the Left magnetize narcissists, like light attracts insects" or when it presents Nikos Pappas as frivolous, refers to his incorrect assessments of television licenses and holds him partly responsible for the internal party misery caused to SYRIZA by the operation of party barriers and his reluctance to resign after the 13-0.

How can there be a united progressive front with Pavlos Polakis, when Tsipras presents him as a conscious sapper of SYRIZA's positions: "Later, of course, I realized that his attitude was not always due to emotion, as in some cases he proved to be extremely capable of containing it. The same man, who then showed such behavior in a bill valuable for us (i.e. on the extension of the cohabitation agreement to same-sex couples), a few years later would take the lead in supporting Kasselakis' candidacy for the presidency of SYRIZA."

How can MERA25 participate in the effort when the former prime minister says that its secretary general Yanis Varoufakis is more of a celebrity than an economist, while accusing him of having a plan to deal with the country's potential bankruptcy with coupons.

Emptying Charitsis and Achtsioglou

However, if things seem easier in the case of Zoi and Varoufakis, as the divisive lines that separate the former prime minister from the two former top executives of SYRIZA have deepened over time, in the case of Achtsioglou and Charitsis it is different. The emptying that he reserved for the two top executives of the New Left, as is easily understood, further complicates the effort that they have been making recently to convince the executives of the fledgling Left party that they should be more open to the possibility of collaborations, even with Tsipras. As is well known, at this time a civil war is underway in the New Left over this issue and Tsipras' stance towards the party's leadership does not help in this direction, because it gives arguments to the internal opposition that does not "look favorably" on a possible collaboration with Tsipras' potential party.

Therefore, it is difficult to answer the question of how it is possible for the former prime minister to get along with other Left cadres at a time when he considers them inferior to the circumstances and weak to manage critical moments, at least as he presents them in the book,

For Efi Achtsioglou, the former prime minister cites in every detail the meeting he had with her in order to propose that she head the SYRIZA Parliamentary Group in 2023, a fact that, as he claims, could have been the perfect surprise for Kyriakos Mitsotakis, however, her refusal to his proposal ultimately surprised only him: “She was particularly cautious, bordering on refusal. Her arguments, I confess, did not seem convincing to me at all […] In the end, as it turned out later, Efi refused because she believed that by distancing herself from me, she could overcome the problems within SYRIZA and convince its members by presenting a fresh candidacy, without giving the impression that she was under my tutelage. It turned out that she underestimated the situation and the importance of my own support”.

Along the same lines for Alexis Charitsis, the former prime minister describes the meeting with the current president of the New Left at his home in Sounio, where he announced his intention to propose him as president of the party in his place: “After my decision to leave and even more so after my proposal to run for office, he became gloomy. He finally told me that he did not feel ready to take on such a heavy burden. And he asked me not to resign.”

Why is he burning bridges with the past

If one adds the “stubborn” feelings towards Tsakalotos, who remains a crucial factor within New Left, then one easily understands that the margins for convergence are narrow.

But why does Tsipras choose this lonely path? Why does he choose to burn all bridges with “former” colleague, he himself chose, at a time when he points out the necessity for the creation of a broad progressive party.

However, throughout this time, his associates have pointed out that the discussion about collaborations and even more about the integration of old SYRIZA executives into Tsipras' new party, which was also triggered by the recent decision of SYRIZA’s Political Secretariat, is taking place in the absence of the former prime minister.

The former prime minister's own position in the interview he gave to Ef.Syn newspaper shortly after his resignation also contributes to this, in which he emphasizes that he wants to distance himself from the "old". He is attempting to disconnect from the damage caused to his political profile by the developments in SYRIZA and the dark spots of his government that are associated with specific individuals.

A new party without the past

Consistent with his plan, Mr. Tsipras has started the engines to create a new party with which he will run in the upcoming elections.

“The button has been pressed,” insist the former prime minister’s interlocutors, answering questions about whether anything has changed in his plan, placing the move in the spring of 2026, free from the past.

Or as he says in his own words to Ef.Syn “Obviously it concerns the entire political system, which has now lost the trust of the vast majority. But it mainly concerns the Left, the progressive faction. I believe that the time has come, and we have even delayed it, for a great, bold, decisive renewal in practices, language, style, ethos, but also in personalities. The time has come to radically change our perception of positions, the privileges that flow from them and the misery of their reproduction. Yes, I believe that there must be an “invasion” of new morals and personalities in politics. But this is not going to happen in terms of a laboratory, “in here”, but in terms of society, “out there”. A society that insists, rebels, resists, demands what is "impossible" for the regime, will then produce the political figures and the groups that will represent it. This is why, among other things, it is necessary for citizens to transform disappointment into action and demand. And this is why, among other things, I chose insecurity rather than being among them on the parliamentary benches."